Somalia’s federal government has announced the cancellation of all agreements with the United Arab Emirates, in one of the most dramatic diplomatic ruptures in the Horn of Africa in recent years. The decision, taken by the Council of Ministers in Mogadishu, targets a web of economic, security and defence arrangements that had bound the two countries for more than a decade.
Officials in Mogadishu say the move is a direct response to what they describe as “strong evidence” that the UAE has been undermining Somalia’s sovereignty and territorial integrity, particularly through its dealings with the self-declared republic of Somaliland and its stance following Israel’s recognition of Somaliland as an independent state.
Somalia’s Information Minister, Daud Aweis Aden Duale, announced the decision after a cabinet session, saying the government had “carefully assessed the latest developments” before acting. He said the Council of Ministers had exercised its constitutional authority to “nullify and revoke all existing agreements with the United Arab Emirates,” a sweeping formulation that leaves little room for ambiguity.
The cancellation order applies to all federal institutions, affiliated agencies and regional administrations. It explicitly covers agreements and cooperation involving three key ports: Berbera in Somaliland, Bosaso in the semi-autonomous Puntland region, and Kismayo in southern Somalia. These facilities sit astride some of the world’s most strategic maritime routes, linking the Red Sea, the Gulf of Aden and the Indian Ocean.
At the heart of the dispute is the UAE’s deepening engagement with Somaliland, a region in northern Somalia that declared independence in 1991 after the collapse of Siad Barre’s regime. No country had formally recognised Somaliland for decades, even as it built its own institutions, currency and security forces. That diplomatic isolation was broken when Israel moved to recognise Somaliland as an independent state, a step that triggered sharp reactions across Africa and the wider Arab and Muslim worlds.
Somali officials accuse the UAE of tacitly backing that recognition and of treating Somaliland as a separate sovereign partner in its commercial and military ventures. Abu Dhabi has long been involved in the development of Berbera port, a deep-water facility on the Gulf of Aden, and has operated a military base there. For Mogadishu, those arrangements have become emblematic of what it sees as a pattern of bypassing the federal government and dealing directly with regional authorities in ways that erode national unity.
The rupture has also been fuelled by developments beyond Somalia’s borders. The Saudi-led coalition fighting in Yemen has accused the UAE of spiriting a separatist Yemeni leader out of the country via Berbera, using Somali territory and airspace without the consent of Mogadishu. Somali authorities described this as an “alleged unauthorised use of Somalia’s national airspace and airports,” adding another layer of grievance to an already fraught relationship.
For years, the UAE has been a major player in the Horn of Africa, investing heavily in ports, logistics and security infrastructure from Eritrea to Somaliland and Puntland. Its strategy has been driven by a mix of commercial ambition and security concerns, including the protection of shipping lanes and the projection of influence along the Red Sea corridor. In Somalia, Emirati entities have trained security forces, funded local administrations and managed port concessions, often in competition with other Gulf and regional powers.
Those overlapping interests have repeatedly collided with Somalia’s own internal political struggles. The federal government in Mogadishu has long insisted that all international agreements involving Somali territory, resources or security must be negotiated and approved at the national level. Regional administrations, however, have sometimes struck their own deals, arguing that the central government is either too weak or too slow to deliver the investment and security they need.
The Berbera port project, developed by Emirati interests in partnership with Somaliland authorities, became a flashpoint. Mogadishu denounced the agreement as illegal and a violation of its sovereignty, while Somaliland leaders hailed it as a lifeline for their economy and a symbol of their de facto independence. The new decision to cancel all agreements with the UAE is, in part, an attempt by Somalia’s federal government to reassert control over such arrangements and send a message to foreign powers that it will not tolerate what it sees as parallel diplomacy on its soil.
By including Bosaso and Kismayo in the cancellation order, Mogadishu is also signalling that it intends to scrutinise and, if necessary, unwind other Emirati-linked port and security deals across the country. Bosaso, in Puntland, has been another hub of Emirati activity, including port management and security training. Kismayo, a key southern port, has been central to both commercial trade and military operations against armed groups.
The Somali cabinet has instructed the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to formally notify the UAE of the decision and to coordinate its implementation. That process is expected to involve complex legal and diplomatic steps, including the review of concession contracts, security cooperation frameworks and financial arrangements. International and regional partners are also to be informed, underscoring that Mogadishu wants the move to be understood as a sovereign policy shift rather than a temporary diplomatic spat.